On January 10, Nicolás Maduro was sworn in as President of Venezuela for the period 2025-2031, consolidating his de facto power. This act lacked legitimacy and evidenced the deepening erosion of public institutions and powers, which have become, together with the repressive apparatus, part of a system designed to perpetuate the ruling party indefinitely in power.

Electoral context and lack of transparency

The Venezuelan Constitution establishes that the beginning of a new presidential term must be backed by the popular will expressed through the vote. However, the National Electoral Council (CNE) failed to comply with its obligation to publish the minutes supporting the results of the electoral event of July 28, 2024. This omission prevented the verification of the results announced by the CNE, marking the electoral process of opacity and irregularities. In this scenario, Nicolás Maduro was sworn in, in open disregard of the popular will and without the support of a free, fair and transparent electoral process.

Selective persecution strategies and a policy of massive terror.

In addition to the institutional crisis evidenced in the electoral process, during the following days, including the day of the swearing-in ceremony, Nicolás Maduro built a scenario that would allow him to remain in power. He did this by exercising an old and perfected comprehensive policy of persecution that combines and alternates “hard” and “soft” mechanisms of repression to consolidate his political control and silence any form of dissidence[1]. In turn, it integrates a policy of massive terror and selective persecution. These tactics have as a common axis the instrumentalization of fear as a political tool.

The machinery of State repression in Venezuela based on the policy of mass terror seeks to generalize fear among the population, demobilize protests and fragment any attempt at social organization. This repressive strategy has been carried out through: (i) the excessive use of force as a form of repression of peaceful protests; (ii) militarization operations in areas considered opposition or with a high potential for demonstrations; (iii) the creation of armed civilian groups that act violently under impunity; (iv) social and economic control that conditions political loyalty; (v) censorship and disinformation, among other mechanisms.

On January 9, 2025, one day before the de facto swearing-in of Nicolás Maduro, the activation of the Organs of Direction for Integral Defense (ODDI) in the 335 municipalities of Venezuela was announced. This measure merged military, police and civilian forces under the pretext of guaranteeing the security of the country. In this context, workers of 31 public institutions were armed and sworn in as Combatant Corps, integrating them into the ODDI, which evidences the militarization of civilians acting violently with the approval of the State[2].

During the days following the elections, and in the midst of massive protests against electoral irregularities, a wave of more than two thousand arbitrary arrests took place and mobile applications were implemented allowing government sympathizers to denounce those attending protests, fostering an environment of extensive surveillance. Likewise, the so-called “Operation Tun Tun” was activated, which consisted in the detention in their homes of people who had participated in protests or expressed criticism against the government[3]. This exemplary operation, together with the continuous deployment of police, military and armed civilian forces, has become a tool of terror propaganda, forcing many to opt for clandestinity, exile, self-censorship or demobilization.

On the other hand, selective persecution operates as a key tool within the State’s repressive machinery. This pattern focuses on neutralizing direct threats to power by dismantling the opposition leadership or perceived as such, causing an exemplary effect of isolation, weakening and intimidation of key figures of the democratic opposition, social leaders, journalists and human rights defenders. This strategy not only eliminates or weakens the most visible opponents and activists, but also seeks to establish a culture of self-censorship and social paralysis.

The methods of selective persecution include constant monitoring of the activities of opposition leaders, defamation and smear campaigns through state media and social networks, criminalization and prosecution of protest through ambiguous charges, arbitrary detentions, forced disappearances, torture, threats to close relatives, among other patterns.

According to the organization Foro Penal, between January 9 and 10 there were at least 44 arbitrary detentions. In most cases the arrests occurred selectively against political leaders and collaborators of María Corina Machado and the party she represents, Vente Venezuela. These include: Julio Balza, member of the press team of Vente Venezuela, Roalmi Cabeza, a motorized vehicle that transported María Corina Machado during the demonstration, Zyad Naime and Cipriano Díaz, state political leaders of Vente Venezuela. Days before, within the framework of this policy of selective persecution, Rafael Tudares Bracho, son-in-law of Edmundo Gonzalez and human rights defender Carlos Correa, who was under forced disappearance for more than 8 days, were arrested.

The psychological impact of these tactics is the generation of fear, distrust of institutions and isolation, making organization and resistance difficult. This pattern has a deterrent effect that affects direct victims, and inhibits others from assuming leadership roles or actively participating in social and political movements. It also limits the ability of the population to demand their rights, make abuses visible, or actively participate in political movements.

In short, the repressive machinery of the State in Venezuela deployed before, during and after the electoral event, including the swearing-in period, constitutes an oppressive system that undermines democratic institutions and restricts fundamental freedoms. Fear of punishment, distrust of institutions and isolation become barriers that hinder organization and resistance and therefore the country’s ability to move towards a full democracy respectful of human rights.

The sophistication and planning behind these patterns of persecution reflect a deliberate strategy to maintain power by systematically eroding human rights and weakening citizen organization. The Venezuelan state has been effective in developing an efficient system that allows it to administer the dose of repression necessary to control and oppress the population at times of high political tension or conflict, including soft and hard, massive or selective practices. The result of all this is a vicious circle where individual repression reinforces mass control, while collective terror deters political participation and weakens the citizens’ struggle for a democratic transition in the country, thus consolidating a de facto power.

Against this backdrop and considering the complexity of the context and the challenges it poses for the democratic world, the international community has an opportunity as pressing as it is valuable. Assertive and determined diplomacy is indispensable to enforce human rights in Venezuela, as well as to comply with the obligation and responsibility of countries to prevent and protect. An international approach that promotes political negotiation with a human rights focus is necessary for the cessation of repression, the pursuit of justice, and the recognition of the right of Venezuelans to move towards a democratic transition, expressed through the popular vote.

To this end, it is essential that States and multilateral mechanisms openly and decisively assume a commitment to democratic principles and the defense of human rights. Anchored in these values and legitimized by the sovereign decision of the Venezuelan people, a process of dialogue should be promoted to initiate a democratic transition.

The commitment should also extend to financial and political support for international processes in the search for truth and justice for the grave human rights violations and crimes against humanity committed, facilitating and cooperating in the investigations and prosecutions, as they are the only credible alternative of justice for the victims of grave violations.

Finally, we invite the peoples and governments allied with democracy, who recognize and defend human rights and constantly aspire to create more just and peaceful societies, to organize and mobilize fresh, innovative and determined resources and collective efforts that can influence and encourage more and varied actors to continue a real struggle for Venezuela, which looks less to ideologies, economic interests and disinformation and rewards life, liberty and the desire for improvement and construction of Venezuelans.

[1] 10 Years of persecution in Venezuela: The consolidation of a sophisticated system of repression. Available at: https://cepaz.org/documentos_informes/10-anos-de-persecucion-en-venezuela-la-consolidacion-de-un-sistema-sofisticado-de-represion/

[2] El Pitazo. Maduro’s government delivers military weapons to workers of 31 public institutions. Available at: https://elpitazo.net/politica/gobierno-de-maduro-entrega-armamento-militar-a-trabajadores-de-31-instituciones-publicas/

[3] Cepaz. The exemplary effect of repression is now more evident than ever. Available at: https://cepaz.org/el-efecto-ejemplarizante-de-la-represion-es-ahora-mas-evidente-que-nunca/